İbrahim Varlı
Tayyip Erdoğan’s contacts in America since the beginning of the week, the promises he made, the agreements he signed, are the bare summary of a relationship of dependency. Even before he left, he secretly hosted ‘son Trump’ at Dolmabahçe, which secured him an appointment at the White House.
In return, promises were made to purchase 250 Boeing aircraft, F16s, and F35 fighter jets. As soon as he set foot in New York, additional customs duties were lifted, and an agreement was signed to purchase over $50 billion worth of liquefied natural gas. Bloomberg reported that the Turkish delegation entered the meeting with a substantial ‘shopping list.’ All this was done for the sake of a photo with Trump.
DESIRE TO BE PHOTOGRAPHED WITH TRUMP
Why is it so important for Erdoğan to be in the same photo frame as Trump? It’s no secret that Erdoğan, stepping into the White House again after a six-year break, is striving to extend the political life of his shaky regime with Trump’s support. The one-man regime, aligned with American policies in the Middle East, has gained ground domestically in return, but this ‘dependent relationship’ needed to be “strengthened” further.
The Palace regime, which bought the support of the US through ‘merchant diplomacy’, naturally gave Trump whatever he wanted. And it will continue to do so.
Although Trump is the main winner, the ruling camp has also entered the race to ‘certify’ Erdoğan’s world leadership through photos taken alongside Trump. The Erdoğan administration needs this ‘pose’ more than ever. The situation is not encouraging for the government and Erdoğan, given the multiple crises at home, the melting social support, the increasing unrest, and the impasse in foreign policy.
The economic crisis is deepening, his own supporters are beginning to turn their backs on him, and things are in a mess in Syria and the Middle East in general.
The days of hype surrounding the Gaza speech, the marketing of the meeting with Trump, and the polishing of Erdoğan’s image are all public relations exercises.
BARRACK’S CONFESSION: LET’S GIVE HIM LEGITIMACY
The US Special Envoy to Turkey and Syria, Tom Barrack, would clearly state that the fundamental insistence behind Erdoğan’s desire to meet with Trump was a search for ‘legitimacy’.
Speaking at a panel in New York as Erdoğan prepared to go to the White House, Barrack recounted a dialogue between him and Trump with these words: “Our President said, “Let’s give them what they need.” When I asked, “What do they need?”, he said, “Legitimacy.” He’s a very smart man. It’s not about borders, S-400s or F-16s. The issue is legitimacy.‘
Barrack commented on the course of relations: ’(Erdoğan) is 71 years old. (Turkey) is a democracy but authoritarian. President Trump brilliantly said, “I must give him legitimacy as a solution”. That is what is happening now. I think you will see major changes as a result.‘
Barrack also said that Turkey is ’the country that has acquired the most F-16s in the world,” adding that this has kept the aerospace company Lockheed afloat.
Barrack’s words, who has been shuttling around the Middle East since May, are not easy to swallow. Erdoğan’s statement that he is seeking legitimacy in Washington, and Trump’s support for this, has laid bare the relationship between the US and the AKP.
EXTERNAL FORCES ALWAYS CAME TO HIS RESCUE
It is surprising, but not unexpected, to hear from the American ambassador that Erdoğan, who accuses the opposition of being linked to ‘external forces’ whenever he speaks, himself seeks support from abroad.
For decades, the palace regime has received this support from Western capitals, from the Merkels. Merkel herself came to Turkey during every election period and posed with Erdoğan. He sat on a gold-leaf chair. The European Union supported the Palace regime from the outset in exchange for refugees, and the US supported it because of its Syria-Middle East policies.
Barrack’s difference is that he is the first person to openly express this search for ‘legitimacy’.
A TRIP FILLED WITH SCANDALS
Despite this, the five-day visit to America was filled with scandals. Erdoğan being kept waiting in the middle of the street for Trump’s convoy, attempts to refute Erdoğan’s statements in the interview, and US Secretary of State Rubio saying that Erdoğan and other leaders begged to meet with Trump are all signs of defeat.
THE ROOTS OF THE AKP-US RELATIONSHIP RUN DEEP
The roots of the AKP-US relationship run deep. To quote Professor İlhan Uzgel’s article in BirGün: “The AKP came to power in the early 2000s as a result of a grand compromise between the US, the EU and the Gulf countries abroad, and liberals, Islamists, religious communities and sects, TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD at home. It promised “conservative democracy”, market-oriented policies, i.e. neoliberalism, and moderate Islamism. The political Islamist transformation carried out by the AKP in Turkey was achieved in line with US policy.”
Although this relationship has been crisis-ridden at times, it has been carried forward steadily to the present day. From its rise to power in November 2002 to the BOP, from the intervention in Libya to the regime change in Syria and the paving of the way for Israel’s bloody regime, compliance with American policies has never faltered.
THE PRICE TO BE PAID IN A MIXED POSITION
Erdoğan has been able to offer Turkey’s power, capacity and resources piece by piece through bargaining up to now. There is no need to mention that he is quite skilful in these matters. At times, Turkey’s geopolitical position was brought to the bargaining table, at times its military power, and at times its economic resources. And now, once again, everything that can be offered has been put on the table.
The words of Middle East envoy Tom Barrack, ‘We gave him legitimacy. This is what is happening now. I think you will see major changes as a result,’ are very important. It seems that an entire country will pay a heavy price for the legitimacy of the one-man regime.
Note: This article is translated from the original article titled Bir bağımlılık ilişkisi: Demek ki mesele neymiş!, published in BirGün newspaper on September 26, 2025.
